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Mud Island

Posted on by FHadmin
 

 

Mud Island doesn’t sound like a very exciting place.  However, it was home to a fort  that served the country for nearly 200 years.  The fort has been known as Mud Island Fort, Fort Island Battery, and Fort Mifflin.  Family history is intertwined with the early days of the fort.  And, as a bonus, the fort has plenty of ghost stories.

 

Origin

Philadelphia was a wealthy port city.  However, it was unprotected in part because Quakers were opposed to military involvement.  Then, in the 1750s plans were created for a fort on Mud Island just below Philadelphia.  However, the plan was never executed.

The building of a fort on Mud Island was begun in 1771.  It was funded by Pennsylvania to protect the Delaware river and regulate traffic on the Delaware River.  Six designs were completed by a British man.  They were reviewed and the preferred plan was quite elaborate.  It was far too expensive to build than the funds allocated would allow. 

Lucerne96: This work is licensed under the Creative Commons Attribution-ShareAlike 3.0 License. Via Wikipedia.

A redesign was required and the designer quit the project in frustration.  The project continued for about a year before being abandoned as it had neither the required leadership nor the funds required.  Only the east and south stone walls had been completed.

Facts & Figures

 

Names of Fort: Fort Island Battery, Mud Island Fort, Fort Mifflin

Location: Mud Island (a.k.a. Deep Water island), Delaware River near Philadelphia, Pennsylvania across the river from Ft. Mercer, New Jersey. 

Size: 84 acres

Map Hints: Today it can be found next to the Philadelphia International Airport

Key dates:

1771 – Build began

1772 – Abandoned due to funds

1776 – Continental Army took control and continued to build it

1777 – The Battle of Mud Island

1794 – Rebuilt

1812+ – Activated to protect Philadelphia during the War of 1812

1824 – Fort Delaware built and Ft. Mifflin was abandoned as a protective fort

1863 – 1865 Civil War POW Camp 

1917+ –  Ammunition depot

1942+ – Coast Guard units, Anti-aircraft

1962 – Decommissioned

 

Years Actives: 1776 – 1962

Wars Supported: Revolutionary War, War of 1812, Civil War, WWI, WWII

Today: National Historic Landmark, owned by the City of Philadelphia

Revolutionary War

With whispers of a revolution against Great Britain being spread throughout the land, the Continental Army took control of the abandoned property and worked to complete the fort.

During this period of time, John McGinley, Rod’s 6th-great grandfather, who was a blacksmith, received payments from Congress for work done on gun carriages.  A payment of £62/19/4 1/2 was made at the end of February 1777 and and other payment of £52/7/0 was made to John McGinley only two weeks later.  Although not confirmed, the record implies that other payments were made previously.

Although it is possible that these gun carriages were of the type that were mobile, it is very likely that they were for the cannons that were being placed at the fort on Mud Island.  It is also likely that it was paying John McGinley for a contract which was completed by many men, as those payments were quite substantial.

The fort was not created with nearly the number of guns in the original plan.  It opened with 200 men and a small number of large guns.

 

 

Contributor Names: Nicole, Pierre, -1784; Montrésor, John, 1736-1799. Created / Published 1777 Public domain, via Wikimedia Commons

Preparations

John McGinley, First Lieutenant

In preparation of battles to come, men were called to join the militia.  In August, 1777, John McGinley was commissioned as a First Lieutenant in Captain Samuel Massey’s Company (First Company) in Colonel Jehu Eyre’s Philadelphia Artillery Battalion, which was a part of the Pennsylvania Militia.  John’s brother-in-law Joseph Fry was a Captain-Lieutenant in the same company.

This was not the First Company’s first call to duty.  The Memorial of the First Company of Philadelphia Militia Artillery, 1779, indicates that the unit was first called into service in July 1776 when they were sent to Amboy, Elizabethtown and other locations to fend off the British military.  That December, the company was called to support General Washington.  They were present when the patriots defeated the British at Trenton and Princeton.

No supporting records have been identified to indicate if John McGinley was a part of this initial action.  However, he was the primary signatory of the memorial.  He may have, however, been speaking for the company historically and not his personal history with the unit.

 

The Task At Hand

The men at the fort on Mud Island, those at Fort Mercer, and others nearby were tasked with holding off the British long enough that Washington could get his men to Valley Forge where they planned to spend the winter. 

A group of men patrolled the river, attempted to disrupt the operations of the British on the Delaware, and raided British positions along the river.  Meanwhile, the soldiers placed chevaux de frise obstacles in the Delaware River that were capable of piercing ships that dared to cross their path.  The soldiers left gaps between the obstacles for safe passage of friendly ships.  However, only a very limited number of American patriots were trusted with information regarding the safe navigation route.

If the British attempted to dismantle the obstacles placed in the Delaware, they would be in direct view of the soldiers at the fort and would be easy targets.

 

Occupation of Philadelphia

Col. Jehu Eyre’s artillery men were involved in the Battle of Brandywine on September 11, 1777, although Capt. Massey’s Company was directed to Chester and worked to stop an advance in that location.  The men assisted in slowing the advance of the British toward Philadelphia.

On September 26, the British reached their objective of occupying Philadelphia.  This was a huge win for the British.  However, they desperately needed supplies – food, winter clothing, ammunition, etc. if they were going to hold Philadelphia and confront George Washington’s Army while they were exhausted and vulnerable following recent battles.

The ships with supplies were in the Delaware and ready to approach Philadelphia.  However, the fort on Mud Island with about 400 men and Fort Mercer in New Jersey stood between the ships and the occupying forces.

 

The Siege of Mud Island

The attack of Mud Island, Fort Mercer, Billingsport, and other defensive positions along the Delaware River began immediately after the occupation of Philadelphia began.  The patriots at Mud Island were outnumbered four to one by the British and had to contend with 250 British ships trying to make their way to Philadelphia. 

 

First Company Activities

The First Company joined the defense of the river arriving from a short-term assignment supporting General Armstrong.  During September and the early days of October, the First Company was stationed at Billingsport, NJ, which was just slightly down river from Mud Island.  Today, you will find it directly across the river from the Philadelphia International Airport.

Billingsport was a small earthen fort with a very small number of cannons.  It was the “outpost” at the southern end of the defense of the Delaware River outside Philadelphia.  The company’s role there was one of delay tactics.  They placed and protected the chevaux de frise and other river obstacles along with minor artillery support.  They were to delay the British in their move northward on the Delaware River.

When they were told to abandon the location, the men took all the ammunition and other items that could be readily moved northward.  Those items that could not be moved were disabled or destroyed, including the forts cannons.

The First Company then assisted directly in the defense of Mud Island by manning guns at the fort.  The men worked tirelessly despite shelling by the British, shortages of ammunition and other supplies, and other harsh conditions.

 

Increase In Intensity

The men at Mud Island held on for six long weeks despite the siege being led by the very man who had designed the fort.  It seems his motto must have been, “What he hath built, he shall destroy.”

Operations on the Delaware River @ Philadelphia October-November 1777 Unknown (Engraving); Centpacrr (Digital image), Public domain, via Wikimedia Commons

The attacks on Mud Island increased in intensity on November 10, 1777.  This continued until November 15, when the fort received the greatest bombardment of the Revolutionary War.  The British had managed to get over 200 cannons pointed toward the island fort.  It is said that during the first hour of fighting that day, 1000 cannon balls were propelled toward the fort.  Refusing to give up, the soldiers retrieved British cannon balls from walls of the fort and sent them flying back toward the British ships.  Later that day, the British got so close to the island that they threw grenades from the ships’ crows nests.

Fort Mifflin Flag during the Revolutionary War: Shorepine, CC BY-SA 4.0 , via Wikimedia Commons

Exhausted, out of ammunition, and having over half of the soldiers wounded or killed, the decision was made that it was time.  Thus, after nightfall, the patriots abandoned the fort, making their way across the river to Fort Mercer.  The last men to leave set what little was left of the fort on fire, but left the fort’s flag flying.  This is interpreted as meaning that the British may have won the battle, but the Americans were not surrendering.

 

Success in Losing

Although the British gained control of the fort or what was left of it, the American soldiers had held the British long enough for Washington to get his troops to Valley Forge.  Thus, preventing the British from achieving their objective of attacking Washington’s Army before winter.  Therefore, although the fort was mostly destroyed and landed in the hands of the British, the work of the men at the fort was deemed a success. 

If Mud Island had fallen sooner, the British likely would have been able to engage Washington’s troops before they reached Valley Forge.  Some say that a battle before the troops had a chance to rest and recuperate at Valley Forge could have changed the outcome of the Revolution.

 

Post-Occupation

Rebuilding

After the patriots regained control of Philadelphia in late June 1778, work began to rebuild the fort on Mud Island.  Colonel Bull was in charge of construction on the Island and other locations along the Delaware.  Over 100 workers, including carpenters, stone masons, ditch diggers, and ironsmiths worked to restore the fort.  Others, such as, wheelbarrow makers, merchants, and bakers, supported the effort.

During the re-building of the fort, John McGinley was a superintendent of the blacksmiths and supervised the ironsmiths under the control of Colonel Bull.

 

On Duty

In March 1779, Colonel Thomas Proctor’s artillery company was sent to the fort as a part of an effort to enforce an embargo and keep the British from re-entering the area.  A great deal of tension rose between local entities and the Continental Congress.  After spending April on the island and other nearby locations, Col. Proctor’s artillery company was diverted elsewhere.

It was decided that Pennsylvania state militia would handle duties on the island.  It was agreed that they would receive Continental Army pay.  Thus, on April 23, 1779, the Supreme Executive Council requested Col. Eyre to send two companies to take over operations at the fort and other defense locations along the Delaware River.  Col. Eyre’s documents indicated the First Company was sent to Billingsport.  The company was now led by Captain John McGinley who had  been promoted when Captain Samuel Massey stepped down.  His brother-in-law Joseph Fry served as conductor.

If the company was sent to Billingsport, they were quickly moved to Mud Island.  On May 12, 1779, Captain McGinley was the primary signer of a memorial to the executive council complaining of poor pay, mistreatment, and lack of supplies. The memorial stated that the company was at Mud Island.

Later that month, it was requested that the Board of War allow a “4 pounder” to be loaned to the fort and delivered to Capt. McGinley until one expected to be sent from Lancaster to the fort arrived. 

At the end of the month, the paymaster sent  £601/5/0 to cover the pay of the company.  It stated that Capt. McGinley received “regular pay,” which may imply a rate more like standard military pay.  He was also paid for coal to be used in the work at the fort.

 

More Work To Do

The fort was full of activity. The focus that summer was on repairing the fort, maintaining the river defenses, and artillery drills.  However, day to day activities were far less intense than what the company had encountered two years earlier.  The conditions were, however, less than ideal as it was extremely hot and humid with many men experiencing fevers.

 

 

Summer Break

On June 27,1779, Capt. McGinley’s company was relieved from duty on Mud Island.  The next day, the company marched to the State House in a show of support for the Supreme Executive Council’s committee’s regulations on the pricing, sale, and transport of goods. After assuring the Supreme Executive Council of their support, they proceeded to the college where the committee was meeting where they stated their support for efforts to reduce the price of goods.

The company’s service for the remainder of the summer is a bit unclear.  They definitely continued to serve.  It is possible that they worked in Philadelphia.  However, records imply that at least some of McGinley’s company returned to Mud Island or BIllingsport for the remainder of the summer.

In August, Capt. McGinley’s workers had not been paid for a month. They refused to continue working, especially since they were only getting £1 per day.  An advocate for the men who served under him, Captain McGinley  made the decision that the men should be paid the going rate for iron workers in Philadelphia and in the Continental Army as it seems he had been led to believe would occur.

 

Insufficient Pay

Therefore, Capt. John McGinley advanced pay to his men of £8 per day from his personal funds.  When Capt. McGinley presented a bill to Col. Bull for reimbursement of the pay he advanced the workers and the cost of supplies (180 bushels of coal) that he had procured for the work of his company, Col. Bull refused to pay.  In August 1779, Capt. McGinley wrote to the Supreme Executive Council requesting payment of the same.

 

Request for Payment. Source: Pennsylvania Archives

Despite Capt. McGinley’s attempt to  get reimbursed for the amount he had paid his men for their work while they were in garrison at the fort, he was limited to the rate of £1 per day as the Supreme Executive Council felt that was fair pay since others had accepted this amount for their work.  Thus, John McGinley lost a considerable amount of his own money while serving in the militia.

MEMORIAL OF THE FIRST COMPANY OF PHILADELPHIA MILITIA ARTILLERY, 1779

(Written as Recorded)

To His Excellency Joseph Reed, Esq*, President, and the Honorable Supreme Executive Council of the Commonwealth of Pennsylvania.

The Memorial and Petition of the first Company of Philadelphia Militia Artillery, Commanded by Colo. Jehu Eyre, and now stationed at Fort Mifflin.

Humbly Sheweth,

That your Petitioners and Memorialists, again call’d out in defence of this State, being ever willing to exert ourselves in behalf of the United States, and this in particular, and to support as much as in us lies, the Virtuous Cause of Freedom and Independency, have once more chearfully stepped forth in obedience to the Laws of our Country, to act in a Military Capacity.

Nevertheless, we humbly beg leave to represent to your Excellency and this Honorable Board, the Circumstances and Grievances attending ourselves and many of our worthy fellow Countreymen, who having uniformly conducted themselves hitherto, are with us, Still determined to exert their utmost Efforts.

In the Month of July, 1776, We were first call’d forth to Amboy, Elizabethtown, &c, to endeavor to repeal the force of a formidable British  and Hessian Army then landed, or landing, on Staten Island.  We chearfully attended the call, and associated to stem the Current of their violent Determinations to destroy and ravage this Country; at the same time leaving our families at every risque of distress and hardships, and at the mercy of the disaffected, Inimical, or self Interested; and, we might presume to say, the most Obnoxious part of the Community.  Upon the return of most of us, (for some died, were killed by accident, or taken prisoners) We found every necessary and convenience of life greatly enhanced in price, and ourselves Caluminated and despised; as having justly merited our loss of Business, &c, by being too forward in takeing an Active part, and bearing Arms.  But it was at that time borne with patience, in expectation of redress.

In the month of December following, when the British Army were attempting by crossing the Jersey State to take possession of this City, we were exhorted on the Commons (by a General at that time much in esteem) to turn out again and support the Army of his Excellency, General Washington, with the most Solemn assurance that those who turn’d out might expect to receive satisfaction & redress in the premises, and Delinquents proportionally pay for their refusal.  We, with a number of virtuous Citizens and Countrymen, rushed forth, notwithstanding the Inclemency of the Season, and the Services then perform’d, thro’  the Assistance of Divine Providence, and the abilities of our Excellent Commander in Chief in the Defeat of the British and Hessian forces at Trenton and Princeton, are too recent to be recapitulated, and will remain a lasting Memorial of Virtue, Prudence, and Success.

After a Series of Hardships unusual to Citizens in private life, and not common to Soldiers in the Field, we return’d, and found those persons we left behind had again taken Advantage of our Absence, and enormously  advanced the prices on every thing; this was encreasing the distress of the Associators, who were treated at the same time with Indignity and Contempt.  We had Arms in our hands, and knew the use of them; but instead of avenging ourselves, or retaliating on our Innate and Worse of Enemies, we patiently waited the Interference of the Legislative Authority. We were amused by the promises of Fines, Penalities, &c, on the Delinquents and that the Virtuous, Voluntary Militia would be put on a respectable Footing; but we cannot help observing, that the Militia are Viewed in the most disrespectful light, and few of the Fines then mentioned, or afterwards enacted, but what are artfully evaded so as not to comply with the true End and Intention of such Imposition.

The Spring, and part of the Summer in the year 1777, pass’d without any Material Circumstances respecting the Militia, except the Law in that Clause provided whereby it was enacted, that Substitutes might be allow’d in Case the rightful Persons did not appear.  By this Law, the Designing or disaffected Secur’d themselves by hiring Substitutes, many of whom were not worthy of the Charge as not being Citizens; others deserted, whilst their Employers, by staying behind, were reaping advantage at our Expence, and amassing Fortunes.

Your Petitioners, apart of the Sufferers (and some of them among the foremost) were, in Sept’ and part of October, in the year 1777, in public Service as Militia, station’d at Billingsport, while many of our wives and families were in this City, then in possession of the Enemy.  Several have lost their All; and when we return’d (as we thought) happily to the City last year, Shortly every Article of life or Convenience was rais’d upon us, Eight, ten, or twelve fold at least; and many of us are at a loss to this day what Course or Station of Life to adopt to Support ourselves and Families.

The Honorable House of Assembly during their last session, have been pleas’d to Enact a Supplement to the Militia Law impowering heavy Fines upon Delinquents not forming in Militia, or when call’d out on service, which we are Convinced was expected to answer the purpose Intended; but when we consider that Men in these Exorbitant Times can acquite more by Monopolizeing, or by an under Trade, in one Day, than will defray all their Expenses of Fines or Penalties in a whole year, We humbly presume the Midlin and poor  will still bear the Burden, and either be totally ruin’d by heavy Fines, or Risque the starving of their Families, whilst themselves are fighting the Battles of those who are Avariciously Intent on Amassing Wealth by the Destruction of the more virtuous part of the Community.

These weighty Circumstances being duly considered, Your Petitioners most humbly pray your Excellency and this Honorable Board to state the Facts, and use your Interest with the Honorable House of Assembly at their next Session; either to enact a Law whereby every Delingquent, not turning out in Militia when Legally call’d forth may be fined in proportion to his Estate; or otherwise, take  of all the Fines and Penalties, and leave it to the Militia who obey the Call to Compell every able Bodied Man to join them in some Station, lest when the Militia are call’d forth, by leaving such numbers of Disaffected in their Rear, they, by pursuing their usual Methods, render our Situation worse than making us prisoners of War.

And your Petitioners and Memorialists, as in Duty Bound, will Ever Pray.

Signed at Fort Mifflin, May 12th, 1779.*

John McGinly, Cpt of Artilary,

(followed by the signature of members of the company, including Joseph Fry, conductor)

Iudorsement.

1779, rec’d May 20th. Petition of the first Compy of Militia* Artillery now at Mud Island, Philadelphia County.

*See Col. Rec., Vol. XI, P. 776.

Source: Pennsylvania Archives, First Series Vol. VII, p. 392-395.

Ft. Mifflin

Before becoming governor, Thomas Mifflin, who had been a Major General in the Continental Army and who was involved with state government, ordered repair of the fort on Mud Island.  It was during this period that the citadel structure, blacksmith shop, barracks, and cave-like casemates (bomb shelters) were built.

Although the fort had at times been called Ft. Mifflin.  It had also been called by other names. When the government took control of the fort in 1795, it was officially named Ft. Mifflin.

Over the coming years, officer’s quarters, a guardhouse/prison, blacksmith shop, hospital, and mess hall were built.  And, it was staffed with two companies at least until 1800 to protect Congress who was meeting in Philadelphia.

 

War of 1812

During the War of 1812, the fort’s role was to defend Philadelphia.  As such, both artillery and infantry were stationed on the island.  At the time, it had at least 37 “heavy guns.”  However, the fort saw no action during the war.

 

Building and Re-building

The following buildings were built or renovated in the years between the War of 1812 and the Civil War:

  • 1836 – Renovations of barracks and officer’s quarters
  • ? – A second floor was added to the barracks
  • 1815-1816 – A building was added to be a guard house and prison.
  • 1819 – A building was added outside the fort walls, which had a mess hall on the first floor and a hospital on the second floor.
  • 1800s – Mud Island was connected to the western bank of the Delaware
  • 1820 – Moved to secondary status after Fort Delaware was built, but maintained staff
  • 1836 – Barracks and officer’s quarters renovated
  • 1837 – The hospital and mess hall building was altered to be a meeting house.
  • 1837 – An artillery shed for cannons was added
  • 1839 – The guard house became an arsenal.
  • 1840s – The officer’s quarters were enlarged with a two-story kitchen area.
  • 1842 – A store house was added.

Civil War

During the Civil War, Fort Mifflin served as a military prison.  Poor conditions awaited Confederate, Union, and civilian prisoners alike.  Not only was the prison overcrowded, there were damp cells, poor ventilation, standing water, and raw sewage added to the misery.

A prisoner of note was a Union soldier who was hung for killing an officer that went to arrest him for desertion.  He had gone home to recuperate without permission.  It is unclear why he opened fire on the officers that came to his home.  He was eventually arrested and brought to the fort.  He wrote letters to President Lincoln trying to gain his freedom.  However, he also led an attempted escape of a large group of prisoners.  After that, he was held in solitary confinement.  Eventually, he was hung for his crime.  One article reported that people paid to witness the hanging.   Whether there is truth to that story is unknown.

Civilians also ended up in the miserable conditions the fort had to offer.  One group of civilians arrested were from Columbia County, Pennsylvania. Leadership in the county claimed that they were being drafted at a higher rate than others.  But, their actions upset the government, which thought they might be starting an armed uprising.  One hundred people were arrested.  Forty-four of the people were held at Mud Island for being a part of the “Fishing Creek Confederacy,” which helped men evade being drafted and helped them defect.  It was said to have been created by the Knights of the Golden Circle

The Confederate POWs were housed in casemates, bomb shelters.   The largest one was said to have at one time held 216 POWs simultaneously.  Forty-two escapes and three prisoner deaths were recorded at the fort during the Civil War era.

 

WWI

After the Civil War, the Army Corps of Engineers out of the Philadelphia District Office were responsible for the fort.  The following enhancements were made:

  • 1867 – A large Gunpowder Magazine was built
  • 1870 – Work began on the High Battery, but was not finished
  • 1876 – Built a casemate for torpedoes going into the Delaware

Then, in 1904, a portion of the fort was dismantled and all weaponry was removed.

However, when the United States got involved in World War I (WWI) the fort, which had not had a garrison since 1866, was modernized.  The barracks, hospital, and commander’s house, were upgraded.  However, the fort would not be filled with soldiers as it took on a different role during the war.

The fort became a part of the Fort Mifflin Naval Ammunition Depot.  Millions of pounds of ammunition were stored at the fort.  In support of the fort’s role in the war, a small railroad was created that connected the fort to the Army Corps of Engineers Depot and the Naval Ammunition Depot. 

Ammunition continued to be stored at the fort after the war.  However, its proximity to Philadelphia created concern.  Thus, in 1929, the ammunition was removed from the fort and the fort was restored, at least in part, per the original plans.

 

WWII

During WWII, the fort was again put into service.  Several anti-aircraft guns were also located at the fort to protect the Naval Ammunition Storage Depot and the Philadelphia Naval Shipyard.  Battery H of the 76th Coast Artillery Regiment guarded the fort for a short time.  The 601st Coast Artillery Regiment took over from them when they were to be deployed.

 

The Fort As It Stands Today

The federal government decommissioned the fort in 1954 after 183 years of service.  However, the Army Corp of Engineers still operates on the grounds, but outside the walls of the fort making it the only active military base that pre-dates the founding of the country.

Following the closure of the fort, the City of Philadelphia obtained ownership of the site.  Efforts were made to restore the fort.  Today, it is a National Historic Landmark.

Fort Mifflin: Surfsupusa, CC BY-SA 4.0 , via Wikimedia Commons

 

Buildings and other features still existing include:

  • Hospital and Mess Hall (c. 1820/1836)
  • Marble slab with John Adams and John McHenry’s names, (c. 1798)
  • Quartermaster’s House (c. 1843)
  • Bastion and casemates (late 1700s)
  • East Wall with pock marks from the 1777 Siege still showing (1772)
  • Water Battery Remnants
  • High Mortar Batteries (c. 1871)
  • Guard House & Prison/Arsenal (c. 1816)
  • Citadel/Commandant’s House (1798)
  • Torpedo Casemate (c. 1875)
  • Casement #11, where William Howe was held
  • Artillery Shed (c. 1837)
  • Blacksmith Shop (c. 1790s)
  • Powder Magazine (c. 1809/1867)
  • Soldiers’ Barracks (c. 1797)
  • Officer’s Quarters (c. 1814)

 

Several of these features can be seen in the photograph of Fort Mifflin.

 

 Its Haunted History

 

The Blacksmith

It is said that a hammer hitting an anvil can be heard near the blacksmith shop and that the door keeps opening on its own.  If you go inside, all is quiet.

 

Man Lighting Lamps

A man is seen on the barracks building balcony in the evening lighting the lamps that once hung there.

 

Revolutionary War Soldier

A Revolutionary soldier takes visitors on tour.  Dressed in costume?  Nope.  And, no one on staff matches the description.

 

The Screaming Lady 

The woman who screams is said to be Elizabeth Pratt.  The story told and her life story don’t quite align.  However, Elizabeth and two of her children died at the fort and are buried there.  It is believed they all died of yellow fever although the story told has the daughter dying of typhoid fever and the mother committing suicide.

 

The Faceless Man

Stories about this entity vary.  However, it is believed to be William Howe.  He was wounded in the Civil War and when the hospital was full went home to heal.  Not understanding the situation, men were sent to arrest him.  He fired shots at them.  Unknown to him, he killed one of the men.  He was brought to the fort where he was held in an underground room.  On August 26, 1864, William Howe became the only man ever hung at the fort.  Note: In 2006, this room, which was thought to have originally been for making and storing explosives, was discovered.  It was confirmed to be where this man was kept because he wrote his name on the wall.

 

Sad Man

He walks down the road by the gates.

 

Other Various Observations

  • Smells of bread and fire
  • Voices of people and even barking of dogs
  • Being physically touched, pushed, pulled, etc.
  • Shadowy figures
  • Problems with electronics

Afterward

John McGinley’s Additional service

John McGinley continued to serve off and on at least through 1785.  In 1780, he filled the role of Captain Lieutenant of the James Pearson’s company (5th Company) of the  artillery battalion of Philadelphia Militia commanded by Lt. Col. Joseph Marsh.  In 1782, John was listed as Capt. Lt. on an address from officers of the Philadelphia Militia to James Potter, Major-General of the militia of the Commonwealth of Pennsylvania. And, in 1785, he was the captain Lieutenant of the Fourth Company of Lieutenant Colonel Joseph Mark’s artillery battalion.

 

Visiting Ft. Mifflin

Although I have been to Philadelphia multiple times, I have yet to visit Ft. Mifflin as our family history in the Philadelphia area touches many branches.  It is, however, near the top of our list for a future visit.

 

Featured Image: Surfsupusa, CC BY-SA 4.0 <https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-sa/4.0>, via Wikimedia Commons

Prompt: An address with a story

#52ancestors52weeks

An Ever-Changing Perspective

Posted on by FHadmin

Her mom dies and her dad travels for work.  She is an only-child and lives with her grandparents, who raise her as a sophisticated city girl only to fall in love with and marry a country boy who lives half-way across the country.  This requires leaving everyone she knows and changing her religion.  Then they move to Canada, but return.  Over the years they have a large family.  And, when they are grown, her dad who has worked all over the eastern half of the country moves in with her.  All these changes had to change her perspective on life — a lot!

 

Blanche Klinefelter on the porch in Pittsburgh, Pennsylvania – Image made clearer using Gemini AI

The Early Years

Blanche Mabel Klinefelter was born September 27, 1887 in Pittsburgh, Pennsylvania to Judge Sharpless and Emma (Ackermann) Klinefelter.  On December 30, 1888, when Blanche was only 15 months old, her mother died in childbirth along with Blanche’s brother Daniel.

Blanche’s father worked in construction and later was a superintendent of large building projects.  His work took him all over the eastern half of the country.  Read more about Judge Sharpless Klinefelter.

Thus, Blanche lived with her grandparents, Joseph Gazzan & Caroline (Stetler) Klinefelter in the East Liberty/East End area of Pittsburgh.  She grew up at 5612 Harvard St.; however, the home no longer exists.

Her father would visit when able.  However, he remarried in 1896 to Lois Campbell.  He had two daughters with her: Carolyn Elmina and Hortense Lucille.  Now, she had to share her father with her half-sisters and his wife in addition to with his work.  Although Blanche knew her half-sisters, they lived in Ohio.  Thus, it wasn’t like having true sisters that lived in the same household.  Besides, the older of them was nine years her junior.

Despite all of this churn, Joseph and Caroline made sure that Blanche grew up to be a cultured young lady.  She graduated 8th grade at the Highland School in the East End neighborhood of Pittsburgh, Pennsylvania.  Upon graduation, she received a watch that could be worn on a chain or that could be pinned to a dress.

By this time, Pittsburgh was a very fast-growing metropolis.  By 1900, Pittsburgh had just over 320,000 inhabitants and in the next 10 years the population would grow to over half a million.

Marriage

In early September 1905, Blanche accompanied her grandparents to Denver Colorado.  Joseph made the trip to attend the National Encampment of G.A.R. (the Grand Army of the Republic) that was held the week of September 4.  Read more about Joseph Klinefelter and G.A.R.

At the same time, Herbert Thomson was also traveling.  He lived in Nebraska; however, he was returning from Alberta, Canada, where he owned property.

As fate would have it, Blanche and Herbert ended up in the same location at the same time.  They met at the train depot in Colorado Springs, Colorado.  Herbert was thirteen years her senior, but Blanche and Herbert hit it off.

Blanche’s grandparents thought he would be a good catch for Blanche because he owned land.  One thing led to another and Herbert decided to make a trip to Pittsburgh, Pennsylvania. 

He ended up proposing and they married approximately three months after they first met.

 

The Wedding

 

W A Stanton is the Baptist Minister who married Herbert Thomson and Blanche Klinefelter

On December 6, 1905, Blanche and Herbert were married in the parlor of the Shady Avenue Baptist Church.  It is unknown how many guests attended the wedding.  However, the invitation appears to indicate that it was a formal affair.  Of interest is that her grandparents names are on the invitation and not her father’s name although he was most likely in attendance as her half-sisters signed as witnesses to the wedding.  Her grandparents also sent out formal announcements of the wedding.

The photograph of the pastor must have been given to Blanche and Herbert at their wedding.  It was one of several gifts.  They later stated that the gifts that they had received were “useful, handsome, and valuable.”

The Wedding Dinner

 

Following the evening wedding, a six-course dinner was served at a nearby hotel.  The most likely location was the Hotel Schenley as it was just over two miles from the church and would have provided an elegant dinner. 

Based on their station in life, menus of that era, the location, the time of year, etc., Grok AI suggested the following as a possible menu.  I am sure that this is NOT the menu for their wedding dinner, but it gives a hint of what it might have been like.

 

“Hors d’Œuvres Blue Point Oysters on the Half Shell Celery Hearts · Queen Olives · Radishes · Salted Almonds Amontillado Sherry

Potage Cream of Green Turtle (a warming, celebratory classic for December gatherings) or Consommé with Julienne Vegetables and Fine Herbs Bread Sticks · Toasted Points

Poisson Broiled Shad à la Maître d’Hôtel (fresh Pennsylvania river fish, simply prepared and hearty) or Filet of Sole with Lemon Butter Cucumbers in Cream · Small Parisienne Potatoes Rhine Wine or Sauternes

Entrée Guinea Hen or Chicken Breast à la Maryland (breaded, fried crisp, served with cream gravy, corn fritters, and bacon—a substantial, festive Pennsylvania favorite) Asparagus Hollandaise · Green Peas

Rôti Roast Philadelphia Capon with Watercress and Currant Jelly (local poultry, roasted to perfection—symbolizing home and family pride) or Saddle of Lamb with Mint Sauce Mashed Potatoes · Glazed Sweet Potatoes · Cauliflower in Cream Sauce · Buttered String Beans Claret or Champagne (poured generously for toasts to the bride—raised as a daughter by her grandparents—and the couple’s new life together)

Entremets & Dessert Roman Punch (iced rum-citrus sherbet to refresh the palate) Bride’s Cake (a tall, richly fruited cake with marzipan, white icing, and sugared winter fruits/flowers—cut amid cheers and well-wishes) Charlotte Russe with Preserved Fruits Neapolitan Ice Cream · Petits Fours · Meringues Assorted Fancy Cakes · Fresh Fruit Compote Cheese (Roquefort and others) & Crackers Demi-Tasse (black coffee) · Liqueurs · Cigars for the Gentlemen”

 

Grok went on to suggest that a small orchestra may have played music while the guests ate, visited, and possibly danced in the seasonally decorated ballroom

Arrival in Nebraska

Once married, Blanche left her life in the bustling city behind and moved from Pittsburgh, Pennsylvania to Herbert’s farm outside Palmyra, Nebraska.  Herbert and Blanche  arrived in Palmyra via train with Blanche in all her city finery.

Even if Blanche had visited farms or had other knowledge of them, nothing could have really prepared her for life on the farm, where the closest town had just over 300 people.  The roads were dusty, the prairie wide-open where you could see for miles, and wild animals were abundant.  It was quite a change.

 

The Nebraska Reception

Upon arrival in Nebraska in mid-December, Herbert’s parents, Arthur Reid and Margaret (Ronald) Thomson held a reception at their home for their youngest son and his new bride.  The event included a four-course dinner.  

Grok AI suggested that the  menu for this dinner would be quite different than the wedding dinner

Herbert & Blanche (Klinefelter) Thomson’s Family in 1915

“Soup / Starter Scotch broth (thick barley soup with root vegetables—carrots, turnips, onions—from the cellar, bits of mutton, beef, or chicken from the farm, and perhaps pearl barley …). Served with homemade bread, oatcakes/bannocks (simple flat oat breads baked on the stove), or biscuits. Side of homemade pickles, relishes, or canned beets for contrast.

Main Course / Roast … chicken, goose, or pork (fresh from the farmyard or hog-killing season—…. Stuffed with sage-onion dressing; served with rich gravy (pan drippings thickened with flour/milk), mashed potatoes (creamed with butter), candied sweet potatoes or glazed carrots, boiled cabbage or turnips …, and green beans or corn (canned/dried from harvest).

Sides / Vegetable Course Additional hearty accompaniments: Scalloped or creamed corn (Midwest staple), coleslaw or simple cabbage slaw (vinegar-dressed), applesauce (from stored apples), and more rolls, oatcakes, or cornbread passed around. Perhaps a small dish of buttered parsnips or onions if available.

Dessert Homemade pie (apple from stored fruit, pumpkin from preserved squash, or mincemeat with preserved fruits/meat…). Or shortbread cookies (buttery oat shortbread, a direct Scottish touch), spice cake, or fruitcake (spiced preserved fruits). Served with strong black coffee, fresh milk/buttermilk, or tea—warming for winter.”

Grok depicted the scene as was typical of rural family life in the early 1900s – no frills, but plenty of food and fellowship.

 

Herbert & Blanche (Klinefelter) Thomson’s Family in 1915

Big Changes

 

Blanche likely missed the fancy houses, places of culture, and nice stores.  However, it is said that Blanche missed wearing  large hats, fancy gloves, and hooped skirts more than anything else.  None of them were of any use on the farm.  Not all city women could make this transition.  One must assume that Blanche was open to accepting a new perspective and that she must have really loved Herbert!

In addition, despite having half-sisters, Blanche grew up effectively as an only child.  Her father was also an only child and her grandfather only had one living brother who lived hundreds of miles away.  Thus, it must have been quite a shock when she met Herbert’s large family.  Big family gatherings happened frequently and were quite contrary to the small family of which she was accustomed.

In the coming days and years, Blanche would experience the Presbyterian religion.  Leaving behind the Baptist Church, she would become very active in the Palmyra Presbyterian Church.  Read more about the Palmyra Presbyterian Church.

Besides family size, location, and religion, Blanche had to deal with culture shock of a different type.  She came from a family where many recent generations were from German immigrant families; whereas, Herbert’s family was Scottish through and through.

 

 

Klinefelter Family 1809

Her Roots

Over time, Blanche adapted to country living.  However, she kept in touch with her family back in Pennsylvania and was very proud of her roots – the Klinefelters, Ackermanns, Stetlers, McGinleys, and, of course, William Hurrie, the famous bell ringer who rang the Liberty Bell when the Declaration of Independence was read.  Read more about William Hurrie.

During the next several years, various members of the family visited.  During these visits, Blanche asked her relatives to write down pieces of their family history.  Her grandmother Caroline Klinefelter gave her an autograph book, which she used to record family history.  When the Freedom Train came to town, Blanche was responsible for making it known that the family descended from William Hurrie.  Read more about the Thomson family and the Freedom Train.

 

Canada

For two years around 1920, Herbert and Blanche embarked on a new journey when they moved to Herbert’s property near Stettler, Alberta, Canada.  There Blanche experienced a new country.  Although the town was thriving, it was quite remote.  The 160-acre farm was three miles north of the northeast corner of the village of Stettler, which lies over 140 miles northeast of Calgary.  

Although their stay was short, Blanche and Herbert brought home a wonderful souvenir of their time in Canada – their seventh child, May Viola, who was born during their stay.

The following two photos are both marked as being taken in 1928.  However, they do not appear to be from the same year.  The first photograph was taken when they were on a later trip to Stettler.  George Ackermann is included in the photo.  He is a relative of Blanche in her mother’s family, who was visiting from California.

In Canada 1928. Herbert, Blanche, and family. Plus George Ackermann. Retouched by Gemini AI.
Herbert and Blanche (Klinefelter) Thomson's Family in 1928
Herbert and Blanche (Klinefelter) Thomson’s Family 

After the experiment of living in Canada, the family returned to Palmyra where they stayed with the exception of trips to the north land.

 

Blanche and Herbert’s House in Palmyra, Otoe, Nebraska many years later. Photo was taken in 2024.

Dad Moves In

After their Canada adventure, Blanche and Herbert returned Nebraska and farmed for many years.  In 1945, Blanche’s father Judge who was 81 and a widower, moved in with Blanche and Herbert.  Over the years, Judge had divorced Lois and remarried to Martha Edward, who had subsequently died.  Therefore, Judge moved into one of the rooms that Blanche and Herbert’s children had vacated when they became adults.

The following year, with Herbert’s health declining and Judge in his eighties, the three of them moved into Palmyra. They lived across the street from Taggart Park.

In 1948, change happened again when Herbert died.  Blanche was well able to take care of herself and her home.  Her father continued to lived with her.

Later that year, Blanche’s oldest son Alexander James Thomson and his wife Donna Isabelle (Van Allen) Thomson made a trip to Canada.  While they were gone, Blanche cared for the oldest four children, making sure that they made it to school each day.  Virginia had been born, but wasn’t in school yet.  So, she stayed with her mother’s brother and his wife.  Rachele wasn’t born until they returned from the trip.  Thus, she got to go along.

In 1951, Blanche made her last known trip to visit Canada. 

 

5-Generations: Judge Klinefelter; Blanche (Klinefelter) Thomson; Alexander Thomson; James Thomson; and James’ 3 children

Blanche died June 21, 1964, only weeks after taking a five generation photo that included Rod and his siblings.  Blanche had been looking forward to celebrating her father’s 100th birthday.  To honor her father, she planned to present family members with a family history booklet that included her father’s ancestors.  The booklet was finished by family and a page added to honor Blanche, the beloved mother of eight, grandmother of 25, and great-grandmother of at least 12 at the time of her death.  It also honored her role as family historian.

Use the audio recording below to hear Blanche talk about her life.

 

 

 

Just know – all that change throughout Blanche’s life had to have changed her perspective in multiple ways!

 

Afterward

Her father died in August at age 100 and her son Alexander died a few days later.  

Prompt: Changed My Thinking

#52ancestors52weeks

The confusing Probate Document

Posted on by FHadmin

I found a document amongst my parents’ papers that is from the settlement of my great-great grandfather George Andrew Thomas’ estate.  Multiple attributes of the document were inconsistent with other estates and the laws as I knew them.  But, why?

 

Who was George?

Source: https://sites.rootsweb.com/~ksbourhp/maps/maps.html

George Andrew Thomas was born October 17, 1847 in Callaway County, Missouri.  He was the son of Henry and Elizabeth Brown Donaldson Thomas.  Read about Henry’s experience during the Indian Wars. 

In 1869 George married Louisa Madeline Carson.  They had two children in Andrew County, Missouri (near St. Joseph) where his parents had moved.

Then, in 1875, George and Louisa moved to Bourbon County, Kansas by covered wagon, where their last two children were born. 

George farmed on his 160-acre farm southeast of Fort Scott.  He owned the farm (indicated by the green dot on the map) at his time of death.  However, in his later years, he lived with his son Owen (indicated by the blue dot).

 

The Document

The paper was undated, but showed the distribution of funds to his heirs.  There was a sale of land, a promissory note due to his daughter-in-law Inez Thomas, and a few expenses.  The balance for distribution was to be divided between George’s four children as his wife Louisa Medeline (Carson) Thomas had died many years earlier.  The portion for his son Will, who had also died, had additional expenses deducted and was then further divided between his wife and children.

 

 

The Questions

The document raised several questions.  First, why weren’t the funeral expenses deducted prior to splitting the funds?  Instead, they were deducted specifically from my great-grandfather James William “Will’s share.  In addition, it showed no cash on hand or money from a sale other than the sale of his real estate.

Also, why did Will’s wife get part of the distribution instead of it going solely to his children since he was also deceased?

 

The Answers

I scratched my head and thought of many different scenarios.  By doing some research and asking Grok(AI) a lot of questions about Kansas law regarding estates, it turned out to be a relatively simple answer.

 

Money Included for Distribution

It appears  the document was only for the sale of the real estate.  All other income and expenses must have been handled separately.  This was common practice given many other items could be handled more expediently than the sale of real estate.

Since this is a document solely related to George’s real estate, only expenses for the sale of property were deducted prior to distribution.  The promissory note owed Inez Thomas must have specifically been related to the property.  Alternately, it could have been something that was overlooked in previous proceedings.

 

The Handling of Will’s Portion of the Estate

 

Will & Sadie Ella (Ashby) Thomas and their oldest children. Grandma Dessie (Thomas) Pellett is the girl standing on the left.

 

The key to understanding how Will’s portion of the estate was handled resides in understanding the death dates of George and Will.  George died on November 9, 1943.  At the time of George’s death, his son Will was still alive.  At the time George died, his beneficiaries become “fixed” (K.S.A. 59-502).  Thus, Will inherited one quarter of his father’s estate. 

Subsequent to George’s death and prior to the distribution of the funds from the sale of the real estate, Will died (December 14, 1944).  Therefore, his portio

n of his father’s estate effectively became part of his estate. 

Thus, the funeral expenses that are deducted from Will’s portion are for his funeral, not for George’s funeral.  They are deducted here because they must be paid and this is a convenient, efficient way to pay them or alternately he does not have a large enough estate to warrant going through probate (K.S.A. 59-1301).  This also explains why Will’s wife Belle (Woodard) Thomas received half of the money with the remaining half split between their children. (K.S.A. 59-504) 

If Will had died prior to his father dying, Belle would not have received any money from George’s estate.  Instead, it would have been split between his six living children (multiple children died in infancy). 

Thus, what started as a very confusing document that seemed to contract typical estates ended up being easily explained by the timing of George and his son Will’s deaths.

Featured Image: George Andrew Thomas

AI Used: Grok for legal research

Prompt: Conflicting Clues

#53ancestors52weeks

 

Colonel Gentry’s Regiment

Posted on by FHadmin

 

How does Henry Thomas, a Missouri farmer and brick mason, decide to leave his home and family to join Colonel Gentry’s regiment to fight the Seminoles in the  Indian Wars in Florida? 

 

Was it for the money?  This is doubtful as the Missouri men were offered $8.00 per month plus 40 cents per day per horse, which was less than friendly Indians were offered to join the fight.  Was it for the prestige of being a soldier?  Possibly.  Was it for the camaraderie with his neighbors and friends?  Also, possible.  But, most likely, it was for the adventure.

 

North Carolina

Henry Thomas, my 3rd great-grandfather,  was born March 31, 1814 in Caswell County, North Carolina.  He was the son of Josiah and Ruth (Mitchell) Thomas.  Around 1830, his family, including his grown siblings, moved to Ralls County, Missouri.  It was claimed that the reason for the move was that they had too many relatives in North Carolina.  Of course, that didn’t stop them from creating a huge family presence in Missouri.

 

Request For Troops

The “Problem”

Conflicts were occurring in Florida between the settlers and the Native Americans.  At that time, the Native Americans were referred to as Indians.  Thus, this article will reference them as such for authenticity.

The U.S. government decided the best solution was to relocate Native Americans.  Despite the Indian Removal Act and an agreement to move, the Native Americans refused to vacate the area.  They hid in the swamps and made themselves difficult to find.  Yet, skirmishes and outright battles followed.  When conflicts continued, Missourians got in the act.

 

Request to Missouri

In September 1837, the government decided to ask for more men to get this dispute settled.  Senator Thomas H. Benton from Missouri was very vocal about the need for frontiersman to remove the Native Americans.  He didn’t believe it fit the typical Army role and he felt that frontiersman were much more suited to address the issue.

Senator Benton then convinced President Van Buren to allow volunteers from “frontier” states to join the effort in Florida.  After passage of the legislation, the Secretary of War requested the governor of Missouri to put together a regiment of men to go to Florida and assist in the removal of the Native Americans.

At the senator’s request, Richard Gentry, a personal friend of Senator Benton, was appointed to lead the regiment.  Richard Gentry, a son of a Revolutionary War veteran, was the General Major of the Missouri Volunteers during the Black Hawk War of 1812.  Thus, he had direct experience fighting Indians.  In addition, he had significant other military experience.  He was also a well-known significant person in Columbia, Missouri, where he had been a founder, mayor, postmaster, and owner of a hotel/tavern.   Richard Gentry accepted the role and was was commissioned as a colonel with the directive to have a regiment of 600 men ready to serve within a couple months.

 

Order to Assemble

Raising A Regiment

Richard Gentry set out immediately to gather men to fight in Florida.  To do this he traveled throughout several Missouri counties to find recruits.  He obtained recruits from Boone, Callaway, Howard, Chariton, Ray, Jackson, and Marion counties.  The recruits from each county were led by a captain, except Callaway County, which had enough men to require two companies and two captains.

One of the men that agreed to join the unit was Henry Thomas, my 3rd great grandfather.  It is unclear which company he joined as it appears his family was living in Monroe County, which didn’t raise a separate company.  However, multiple counties nearby raised companies to join Gentry’s regiment.

Henry’s motivation for volunteering is unknown.  It could have been that he felt it was his duty or that the pay was considered good in a time of economic turn down.  On the other hand, it might simply have been for the adventure of seeing more of the country or because he had friends who were going to serve.  As far as I know, none of his brothers joined the unit.

 

Money For Supplies

Twenty-three and unmarried, Henry was likely still living at home.  As such, it is most likely that the horse(s) he used belonged to his father. This posed a problem for many of the young men as they were to be a mounted unit.  And, they were required to bring their own horses. 

Despite wanting to join the regiment, many simply couldn’t afford to purchase a horse.  Colonel Gentry helped them out by endorsing notes for them so that they could purchase horses.  The notes were due in seven months, which made for a tight timeline to go to Florida, fight, and return before they had  to be paid.

 

Source: Columbia Herald-Statesman, November 11, 1837 via Newspapers.com

The Send Off

On October 15, 1837, friends and neighbors gathered near Gentry’s Tavern to see the men off and wish them well.  The well-attended event was full of speeches and cheers from the crowd.  The teacher at a local academy presented the unit with a flag that the girls had made.  Meanwhile the girls made a patriotic statement by wearing red, white, and blue attire.

Before the regiment and their Indian scouts marched away, a good friend of Gentry expressed his concern for Gentry.  He said, “I fear this will be our last interview; I know you are a brave man, but there is also an element of rashness in you.  If you are ever in battle, you will lead the charge and be killed!”

As the regiment headed for their first destination, St. Louis, the colonel’s young son, mounted his father’s horse and rode with him until the regiment stopped a mile east of Columbia to water their horse.  He then dismounted and waved good-bye to his father.

Florida Bound

The St. Louis Stop

It took the men five days to cross the 125 miles separating Columbia from Jefferson Barracks, south of St. Louis.  There, the men were given weapons.  Five of the men in Gentry’s regiment are said to have hit a 2 inch square at 140 yards.  It was surmised that the volunteers might be better marksmen than the Army regulars as it was claimed that some among them could hit a white-tailed deer that was on the run.

While in St. Louis, Major General Gaines reviewed the regiment.  Then, just before the men continued their journey, Senator Benton arrived from Washington D.C. to speak to the enthusiastic, excited group.  And, Col. Gentry said that he had been reassured that the regiment would be paid in gold and silver.  The speeches “concluded by wishing that each man might gain honor as a soldier and return in health.”

 

New Orleans By Steamboat

The men left St. Louis on October 25, 1837.  They sailed down the Mississippi River on the steamboats United States and St. Louis.  The trip took 6 days.

The men didn’t want to spend any more time in New Orleans than required as the city was in the midst of a yellow fever epidemic.  People were dying faster than they could be buried.  Everyone was terrified and over 150 men simply left and went home.

 

Florida By Sailing Ships

By the time the men sailed for Florida on November 3, the 600-man regiment numbered only 432.  The trip was uneventful and they reached Tampa Bay 5 days later.

The horses were sent to Florida on smaller ships.  However, they didn’t leave until a few days after the majority of the men sailed.  The horses were placed on the boats by men who did not understand the impact of a large body of water on a small boat.  As such, the horses were not properly secured on the boat.  To make matters worse, a terrible storm came up.  The ships rolled and the horses fell about.  Horses were injured and killed.  Others starved as storms caused the journey to take three weeks instead of five days.

Only 150 of 450 horses were healthy after the trip to Tampa Bay.  Since the regiment was to be mounted, all the men whose horses died were discharged or forced to walk.  The men that were discharged had to make their way home on their own.  They were not paid in gold and silver. The discharged men also were given only half of the promised daily allowance for their horse.  Thus, the men lost money and were very disgusted with their treatment. 

Since Henry continued with Gentry’s regiment, his horse was clearly one that survived, as nearly all of the men without horses left for the Midwest.

Florida

Second Class Soldiers

At Fort Brooke, Col. Gentry and the remaining members of the Missouri Volunteers joined the First, Fourth, and Sixth Infantry, creating a brigade of nearly 1,000 men.  Col. Zachary Taylor was the commanding officer.  He was a regular Army man and resented that he had to be burdened with the volunteers from Missouri.  Thus, from day one they were made to feel second class.  Not only did the colonel treat them that way, but so did the Army soldiers.

Then, before the men left Fort Brooke near Tampa Bay to push into the interior of Florida, tragedy again struck Gentry’s regiment.  The men were guarding 80 wagons of supplies that were headed to Ft. Fraser, a new supply depot on the Peace River when  Col. Gentry’s son, who was also serving, accidentally discharged his weapon and killed a private in the regiment.

Before the regiment had gone far, a portion of the Gentry’s men, who were walking because they had lost their horses, demanded to be discharged.  It was granted and they left for home.  At this point, Gentry’s regiment had dwindled to four companies with only a quarter of the 600 men that left Columbia, Missouri with Gentry. 

The men’s departure just reinforced the regular Army’s view of Gentry’s unit.  When there was a difficult task to be done, anything risky, or just downright unpleasant, Col. Taylor would assign it to the volunteers.  That included having them be the advance guard, keeping ahead of the main body to protect the regular Army.  They also got the chore of building roads where needed to allow passage of the heavy baggage.  One Officer stated, “[The colonel] used the Missouri Volunteers more like [black men] than anything else I can mention.”

 

Over Land and Through Swamps

As the men moved southward, they encountered various groups of Indians, sometimes with African Americans amongst them.  They took some individuals prisoner and relied on friendly Indians to assist in navigating and obtaining information about the movement of the Seminoles.  They also sent out spies to separately look for the Seminoles and see where large groups of them might exist.

Many leads were simply misinformation.  Other times, it seems the Indians had gotten wind of their plans.  For instance, one time the soldiers reached a large Seminole camp only to find it deserted.  The men thought that several hundred Indians had camped in the location and had left very quickly.  Fires were still burning in the camp and meat was still waiting to be consumed.  New leads led to another hammock about a mile away.

Finally, the opportunity that Col. Taylor sought to defeat a large group of Indians in a major attack presented itself.  Scouts learned that an estimated 2,000 Seminoles were gathered on the shore of Lake Okeechobee. 

By this time, Col. Taylor’s men, including Col. Gentry’s Missouri Volunteers had traveled 150 miles, taken about 150 people prisoner, created supply depots, built forts, opened roads, built bridges, and made causeways.  But, the big battle was yet to come.

 

The Battle of Okeechobee

Col. Taylor learned that an estimated 400 Seminole Indian warriors were held up in a hammock in Lake Okeechobee, along with leaders Billy Bowlegs, Alligator, and Wild Cat.  This would be where Col. Taylor attacked.

 

Strategy Disagreement

Col. Taylor called together the officers to discuss the attack strategy. Col. Taylor preferred a frontal attack strategy.  Meanwhile, Col. Gentry strongly recommended going around the swamp and attacking the flank with a strategy to encircle the Indians.  He argued that slogging through the swamp would exhaust the men.

Taylor, however, wouldn’t listen to a word Col. Gentry had to say.  Instead, he accused Gentry of being afraid of a direct attack.  He had decided; it would be a frontal assault.

Col. Gentry disagreed, but felt that he had to follow Col. Taylor’s orders since he was the commanding officer.

 

The Attack

On Christmas Day 1837 under the mid-day sun, the brigade moved into position.  132 Missouri volunteers and members of Morgan’s spies made up the first line.  The 4th and 6th infantries followed them and the 1st infantry was in reserve.  At the appointed time, Col. Gentry, who was to lead the way, pulled off his coat, rolled up his sleeves, and yelled, “Come on, my boys.”

 

The Approach

The approach to the hammock was a treacherous one.  It was like a natural fortress with a natural moat.  The men left their horses behind and trudged through the swamp.  For a half-mile, men had to wade through deep, muddy swamp water making their way through 5-foot-high saw-grass to reach it.  The men had to hold their weapons and gun powder in the air to avoid them getting wet.  Additionally, the saw-grass was given that name for a reason.  It tore skin and clothes like they were butter.

When the men moved within range of the Indians, heavy fire erupted. 

 

The Defense

The Indians had selected their position very carefully.  They hid themselves in a hammock, a raised area in the swamp that was thickly covered with trees, bushes, and vines.  The hammock backed to Lake Okeechobee.  The Indians had also spent a great deal of time cutting down the grass and other cover for several feet in front of the hammock forcing the men to be in the open if they attempted to reach the hammock.

The position gave the Indians the upper hand.  They were well prepared, even having made notches in trees to hold the barrels of their guns.  The Indians could peek out and see the troops coming toward them.  Meanwhile, their scouts climbed high in the trees and could see the entire field.  All the while, the Indians remained well hidden.

In case an evacuation was needed, the Indians had placed canoes on the far side of the hammock at the edge of Lake Okeechobee.  They had a thorough strategy.

 

The Fight

The Missouri Volunteers were to retreat behind the regular Army.  However, the Missouri volunteers moved toward the hammock.  Being on foot, they could not move quickly.  And, the way they had been treated, it may have been that they thought they had something to prove. Gentry’s men kept fighting, but heavy casualties could not be avoided.   

 

Gentry Hit

Col. Gentry’s white shirt made him an easy target and he was hit multiple times.  Despite his wounds, Col. Gentry continued to encourage the men to fight.  After about an hour, he finally fell to the ground at the edge of the hammock.  While the fighting was still going on, Henry and another man (or men) placed Col. Gentry in a blanket and carried him a half-mile through the swamp back to the Army’s hospital. 

Fighting in the saw-grass was challenging at best and deadly to many.  The Missouri Volunteers had to duck volleys from the regular Army as well as the Indians.  They ducked down in the grass and sometimes even ducked under water.  They were basically sitting ducks in the middle of a fire fight.  Then when a man was injured, they had to get him to shallow water or onto land so that he did not drown. 

As the fighting continued, it was a bit of a step forward followed by a step backward.  Actual progress was difficult to achieve.  Since the Indians held the upper hand, the men were forced to fight in the style determined by the Indians.  This meant that the battle became a series of skirmishes. 

 

Indians Escape

When the fighting was over some three hours later, the Indians had managed to evacuate the encampment.  Thus, the prisoners were few.  However, every officer but one in the 6th Infantry was killed with many others in the unit killed or wounded.  The high casualty rate appears to have occurred because the men were very close together.  One company in particular was hit hard as only four members of the company were unharmed in the battle.  

The Missouri Volunteers had a 25% loss in terms of killed and wounded.  In total 26 or 27 of Taylor’s men were killed with another well over 100 wounded.  The Indians left 10 bodies behind, but it was assumed that more had died and that the Indians had taken their bodies from the scene.

Source: Niles National Register, January 27, 1838 via Newspapers.com

Col. Gentry’s Death

When the battle concluded, the men made a footway across the swamp.  After it was complete, all the dead and wounded except one who was not found were carried on litters out of the swamp.

In the meantime, doctors tended to Col. Gentry’s wounds.  They decided to clean the wound, which entailed putting a handkerchief on a ramrod and pushing it through the opening in his abdominal area all the way through the other opening in his back.  This did not improve his condition.  Instead, he quickly worsened. 

Col. Gentry called for Col. Taylor and it was reported that the following conversation took place:

“Gentry: Colonel Taylor, I am about to die. I depend on you to do my brave men full justice in your official report.
Taylor: Colonel Gentry, you have fought bravely; you and your men have done your duty and more, too! I shall do them full justice, you may be sure.”

Col. Richard Gentry died just before midnight.  His son, who had been seriously injured, and other men in the Missouri Volunteers were with him in his last moments.  Col. Gentry and the others who had died were buried the following morning.

 

Return to Tampa Bay

After the battle, the men returned to camp.  They spent the following day interring the dead, stabilizing the wounded, making more litters to transport the wounded, and collecting the horses and cattle, which had been abandoned by the Indians.

The following day, the troops moved out.  But, instead of driving further through the Everglades, the men headed back to Tampa Bay.  With so many officers and troops killed and wounded, Col. Taylor really had no choice, but to end his Florida campaign.  Therefore, the survivors, weary and tired, headed out of the swamps on December 27.  They first headed to Kissimmee, where some baggage had been left.  Then, they made their way back to Tampa Bay.

 

Two Tales Of The Same Battle

Discharge Notice

Taylor’s Report

Col. Taylor made his report based on discussions with the officers in the regular Army.  He did not, however, get any input from the volunteers.  His report stated that “Col. Gentry died a few hours after the battle, much regretted by the army, and will be doubtless by all who knew him, as his state did not contain a braver man or a better citizen”.  However, that was the limit of positive statements about the men from Missouri.  According to him, all the praise was due the regular Army and that the volunteers had fell back and refused to rejoin the fight.

The report resulted in a heated response.  Secretary of War Poinsett, for example, defended the unit saying, “the heavy loss they sustained in killed and wounded affords sufficient proof of the firmness with which they advanced upon an enemy under a galling fire.”  Although Col. Taylor did not change his report, his words when the volunteers were discharged were much more complimentary.

 

The Rebuttal

When they finally saw the report, the members of the Missouri Volunteers were disgusted and thought the report was an injustice and insult. They felt they needed to speak up, especially for those who could no longer defend themselves.  They stated that they had experienced “extreme fatigue and hardship” on the march.  At each point, Gentry’s unit was the first to penetrate and pass a swamp or hammock, protecting the main body of the Army.  And, when they camped, Gentry’s unit was located in the most exposed and dangerous ground of the camp.

 

Misconception?

Of Taylor’s story of them not falling in like they should . . . the officers said, “Strange and unaccountable misconception – or yet more wonderful and willful misrepresentation!”

Taylor’s words upon their discharge did not change the sentiment among the Missouri volunteers that they had been wronged by Taylor and his report.  The Missouri general assembly launched an investigation.  The result was that they believed Taylor had not only made a false report that slandered the Missouri volunteers, but that he had done so deliberately.  They requested the governor lodge an official complaint arguing that Taylor should not be an Army officer.  

They acknowledged that a few may have quit the action, but most continued the fight throughout.  When the Indians finally took off, the men from Missouri cared for the wounded and collected the dead.  One officer said that he was not in the Battle of Okeechobee as he was ill.  He went on to state that the Missouri Volunteers were brave (“as brave as any that ever lived”).  And, he supported the report on the treatment of the men by the Army regulars.  He noted that half of his men were casualties with one being killed. 

To learn more about the Missouri Volunteers in this battle, read Missouri Volunteers at the Battle of Okeechobee: Christmas Day 1837 in the Florida Historical Quarterly Vol. 70, No. 2, Oct., 1991 available via jstor.

For yet another perspective of the battle, check out Christmas 1837: Seminole Survival and the Battle of Okeechobee .

the Aftermath

Zachary Taylor

The “war” was costly in terms of both money and life.  Zachary Taylor led one portion of the fight, but that portion alone resulted in nearly 150 casualties.  And, it wasn’t clear that a victory was achieved.  In addition, if the complaint  of the Missouri Volunteers was raised, it was clearly dismissed. Taylor went on to lead other battles and became the 12th President of the United States.  He did not, however, win the state of Missouri!

 

Seminole Indians

The U.S. government and the Seminole Indians never did reach a peace treaty.  However, a good portion of the Indians that survived the battles and skirmishes with the troops and volunteers eventually relocated to Indian Territory.  By 1842, over 4,000 Seminole Indians were living in what became Oklahoma.  However, some of the Native Americans remained in Florida by going deep into Big Cypress Swamp and the Everglades.  The government did not pursue them.

When Chief Billy Bowlegs went to Washington D.C. in 1852, he stopped by Zachary Taylor’s photograph and said, “Me whip!”  Today, several Indian reservations still exist in Florida.

 

Richard Gentry

Initially buried in Florida, Richard Gentry’s remains were sent to Missouri in 1839 to be re-interred at Jefferson Barracks.  Along with his remains were the remains of other Army soldiers.  The gravestone that was erected contained only the names of the Army soldiers.  Col. Gentry was left out.  However, Missouri legislature remembered him in 1841 when they named Gentry County in his honor.

In 1889, Gentry’s family learned that he was not included on the gravestone at Jefferson Barracks.  The military would not change it, but allowed the family to add a gravestone for him at their expense.  Later, a replacement stone was made listing Gentry and the other soldiers.

 

Ann Gentry

When Richard Gentry’s wife, Ann heard of his death, she said, “I’d rather be a brave man’s widow than a coward’s wife.”  Ann was accustomed to managing the family’s nine children and the family’s businesses on her own.  She had done so each time Richard had gone to serve his country.  Now, Ann had to manage with even less.  Not only was Richard not coming home, but all the notes that Richard had signed for the volunteers so that they could buy horses came due and his estate had to pay them.  This left no money for Ann and the children.  Thus, she had to continue to work.

Richard had been the postmaster of Columbia and Ann had filled in while he was gone.  After he died, she was appointed the official postmistress becoming only the second woman in the United States to hold the position of postmistress.  She served for 30 years, including during Zachary Taylor’s administration.  In addition, she received a $30 per month pension as Richard’s widow.

She also continued to run the tavern that they owned.  Eventually, she combined the post office and tavern in one building with the post office in front and the tavern in the back. 

Ann worked hard and watched her spending.  Upon her death, she left $20,000 for her children.  Read more about Richard and Ann Gentry.

 

Henry & Elizabeth Brown (Donaldson) Thomas

Henry Thomas

Henry arrived home and went back to his Missouri life, but with new stories to share with friends and family.  Included was the story of carrying Col. Gentry out of the swamp when he was mortally wounded.

Toward the end of May 1838, he was formally discharged when the government discharged all the men who had served in the Seminole Indian War.  Additionally, other men who had been on alert to serve if needed were also discharged.  In the notice, they recognized the men for volunteering and for “bravery and efficiency.”

On July 15 of that year, Henry married Elizabeth Brown Donaldson in Monroe County.  They went on to have 12 children, 11 who grew to adulthood.

Learn more about Henry’s life in Too Many Thomases or by reading Henry’s biography.

 

Afterward

Many accounts of this campaign exist and the details vary greatly.  In this article, many details that were not particular to Henry Thomas and the Missouri Volunteers were generalized or omitted.

Despite efforts of the National Park Service, as of 2015, the exact location of the Battle of Okeechobee had not been determined.

Featured Image:  AI generated using Google Gemini using a description and no input image.

Prompt: Big Decision

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Strong Woman On The Frontier

Posted on by FHadmin

While looking for more records on Martha (Johnson) Peelle’s missing siblings, I decided to check the 1850 census to see if they might be with their grandmother.  None of them were, but their grandmother was still running a household and she had a young blacksmith by the name of William Brown boarding in her home.  She was in her mid-eighties and had been a widow for twenty years.  That’s impressive!

 

Life In North Carolina

Sarah (Adams) Johnson, my 4th-great grandmother on my dad’s mom’s side, was the daughter of William and Susannah (Martin) Adams. Although her parents were natives of Pennsylvania, she was born and raised in North Carolina.  The large family belonged to the Society of Friends (Quakers).

In 1793, Sarah married William Johnson, only to be disowned by the Society of Friends for marrying out of unity.  It lists a William Johnson with the same fate just two months earlier. 

Assuming they were both Quaker, that likely means that they got married without the church members’ approval.  No additional Quaker records regarding their marriage have been found to date, but they did have a marriage bond with Moses Adams as the bondsman.  Since this was outside the church, that  may have been part of the issue.  They solemnized their wedding in Surrey County, North Carolina.

 

Moving to Indiana Territory

Sarah, William, and children moved westward in 1811 heading toward Indiana Territory.  This was a major undertaking, as they were moving to the untamed frontier.  They likely traveled across the rough terrain with horses or mules and a wagon.  Any livestock would have been driven along side them as they traveled.  Today, that trip can be made in seven to eight hours, but in 1811 it was a multiple-week journey.

 

The Journey

They could have taken the northern route or the southern route.  The timing of the Johnson family’s move is such that it is just about the time more people started using the northern route.  Thus, it is difficult to judge which route the family likely traveled.

 

Northern Route

The northern route, which was popular among Quakers, would have taken them through Virginia and what is now West Virginia to the Ohio River.  They would have crossed the river on a ferry and traveled through Ohio to Richmond, Indiana.  From there they would have traveled a few miles northwest to reach the area where they settled.  

 

Southern Route

The Southern Route took travelers into Tennessee and through the Cumberland Gap into Kentucky.  The Route then headed toward the Ohio River.  The family, or often group of families, would cross the river into Indiana at a river town, such as Maysville.  This route, although more challenging and dangerous, was used in earlier years.  

 

Moving With Children

Additionally, at the time of the move, William and Sarah’s children were approximately ages 3, 7, 8, 12, 14, 16, and 18.  The older children likely helped with the travel, but the younger ones would have required a lot of supervision, especially when traveling across creeks and through thickets.  At times, it was likely a fun adventure for the children, but that is what required Sarah to keep on her toes.  In addition, she would have been cooking and washing out in the open.  Weather and nature could be real obstacles not only for making progress on the trip, but also for daily chores and  survival.

 

Life in Indiana

Arriving in 1811, Sarah, William, and children were one of a small group of families that arrived that year.  They joined John Lewis and his son who had arrived in the area the previous year.

Life in Indiana Territory wasn’t much easier than the travel.  They were still in the middle of a wilderness.  Land needed to be cleared for a dwelling and farm uses.  Then, the house had to be built.  The home, at best, was a log cabin.  It likely would have been one small room. Yet, it had to accommodate nine family members and function as both living and sleeping quarters.  No matter how hard they tried, keeping the wind, rain, and snow out of the home was nearly impossible.

Yet, the family persevered.  William and his sons farmed and William built the first Grist-mill in the area in 1818.  By 1830, the area had grown and was ready for a town.  Thus, on March 16, 1830, William had the  town of Williamsburg surveyed and platted. Read more about William and Williamsburg in Creating A Town.

Sarah’s husband’s name memorialized in the name of the town, which still exists today.  However, he did not do it on his alone.  Sarah also played a major role in the family’s survival on the frontier.

 

The Dangers

This area was on “the extreme border of civilization.”  It wouldn’t become a state for five years after the family arrived on the frontier.  It  was said that it was dangerous to go too many feet away from the house without carrying a gun. 

Dangers came in many forms.  The land and weather provided dangerous conditions at times.   Swollen rivers, mud, snow, etc. created much greater challenges than they do today.  When the roof is leaking and the baby is sick with no doctor nearby, it can become a life and death situation.

Wild animals also posed a danger both to the crops and humans.  Although most animals didn’t physically harm humans, a few of the animals in the area were dangerous, particularly to children and smaller adults. 

Indians were sometimes a problem.  Concern over aggression by Indians peaked in the months following the battle between General Harrison and the Indians at Tippecanoe.  The Shawnee leader Tecumseh had organized warriors to combat the pioneers flooding into what he considered native lands.  Although this General Harrison was successful in the battle at Tippecanoe, it greatly angered Tecumseh.  Thus, during the War of 1812, Tecumseh fought on the side of Great Britain.  Thus, creating fear for many of the families on the frontier.  As a result, a fort and block-house were built on John Lewis’ farm with another block-house (Whitehead Block-House) on Thompson Smith’s property.  Even with these protections, there were many sleepless nights for the people in the area.

 

Feeding The Family

The challenge for Sarah was to create something to eat out of whatever foods were available at the time and to make sure the family got fed the best they could be.  Wild animals were a source of food for the family.  Thus, hunting was a regular activity.  Wild fruits, such as grapes, plums, and gooseberries, along with a variety of greens, also provided nutrition for the family.  However, that was not enough to feed nine people.

Although the soil was good for growing food, it was not easy to cultivate the ground.  And, it was equally difficult to keep animals out of the the crops and garden.  However, the families persevered and fought for the food that they planted.

Corn was among the crops and garden products grown and was served in numerous forms.  The settlers used corn to make johnny-cakes, bread, corn-dodgers, pone, hominy, and mush.  Corn was often a substitute for other breads.  In the early days, even if they had the grain, it could not be processed without travel since no grist-mill existed close by.  Coffee was also a staple and made in many forms (e.g. crust coffee, and potato coffee).  They also had teas, pumpkins, turnips, potatoes, and syrup/molasses from the sugar maples. 

 

Clothing the Family

A challenge for Sarah that was equally if not more difficult was figuring out how to clothe her husband and growing children.  Resources were limited to whatever they could grow, repurpose, or receive in a trade.  She most likely had wheels for spinning flax and wool.  But may have resorted to using deer-skins for men’s and boy’s winter clothes.  The problem with this solution is that the skins would get stiff when they became wet.  Thus, they had to be beat against a tree or post to soften them.

Shoes were another problem and often people simply went without them.  Other times, they turned to moccasins due to the difficulty in obtaining leather.  

A store owned by John Smith did exist in Richmond.  However, the traveled required was not easy and the prices were high.  Thus, rarely did anyone make the trip to purchase anything unless it was absolutely necessary.  Later, stores opened in Williamsburg, including one owned by Sarah’s sons Stephen and Samuel.

 

Her Faith

The first church in the vicinity of Williamsburg was a Baptist church, which was founded in 1818.  The Methodist church was founded in 1820.  It is unlikely that Sarah ever attended either one.  However, a Friends Meeting was started about 3 1/2 miles north of Williamsburg.  Although it only lasted about 15 years before it broke up, Sarah likely rejoined the Society of Friends at this meeting.  

After the meeting broke up, members transferred to either the Cherry Grove Monthly Meeting or the Newport Monthly Meeting.  Sarah is listed as a member in the Cherry Grove Monthly Meeting records.  That meeting had been established about 1816.  Therefore, it is possible that she had been a member before the meeting near Williamsburg was formed.  However, since the Cherry Grove Meeting House was located near Lynn in Randolph County, which was about 7 miles from Williamsburg, it seems likely that she did not travel that distance in the very early days.

No record of William rejoining the Friends has been found.

 

Death of William

William died on August 1 1830, only a few months after Williamsburg was platted.  His will stated that Sarah was to be  given $100 cash, $100 of personal property of her own choice, the use of their dwelling and kitchen during her life, and ¼ of the rents and profits from the plantation (farm) where they lived.  He gave the quarter section where he lived to his son Samuel.  It is assumed this property also contained the dwelling that Sarah was allowed to use.  His mill, land associated with the mill, lots for the town, and his other personal property were to be sold.

 

Her Strength

In Sarah’s day, it was considered a virtue for a woman, especially one on the frontier, to be strong.  Sarah literally had no choice to be strong if she wanted to keep her family safe and healthy.  Any weakness, even letting her guard down for a moment, could lead to a disaster. 

Additionally, Sarah had no time to be a beauty queen.  Her hands and clothes were likely often dirty as were most who braved the frontier.  She worked hard for many hours each week.  If something needed done (and there  was always something), she had to see that it got done. A simple supper required water from the creek, wood for the fireplace, prepping, and cooking the meal.  Laundry was a challenge, which included making soap, and clothes just didn’t come clean after some point.  Additionally, there was always mending, spinning, and sewing to do.

When needed, out to the garden or field she went.  If a crop was endangered or needed harvested, it was all hands on deck.  And, when someone in the neighborhood needed something, Sarah and William were there to assist.  That was the only way that people on the remote frontier could survive.  Hard work and helping each other.  Sacrifice was a given.

Many people today wouldn’t survive a month in those conditions.  And, some might not survive a day.  It took grit, determination, will to succeed, and the strength of an ox.

 Sarah died March 13, 1862 at Williamsburg, Wayne, Indiana.  She had been a widow for 32 years.  Although I haven’t found her in the 1840 census, she was the head of her household in 1850.   By 1860, she was listed in her son Samuel’s home.  However, she was 95 that year.   So, it is not surprising that she had moved in with her son and his family.

Sarah lived 97 years, which is like 150 years adjusted for today’s conveniences.

AI Tools used: Grok, Gemini

Featured Image: Modified version using Gemini of alanajordon’s AI image via pixabay.com

Prompt: What the Census Suggests

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